Saturday, June 13, 2009

LATEST NEWS

Prabhakaran was tortured: Report

The Tiger chief is dead, but mystery still shrouds the manner in which he was killed.

A shocking report released by a leading human rights body said, "LTTE chief Prabhakaran was tortured by the Lankan army before he was killed."

Quoting high-level military sources, the University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR) in a 48-page report has revealed that Prabhakaran was tortured in the presence of a Tamil government politician and a general.

The alleged torture took place at the headquarters of the army's 53 Division, which battled the LTTE before crushing it.

Prabhakaran's 12-year-old son, Balachandran, was killed in front of his father. All LTTE members in the No Fire Zone were massacred.

The UTHR pointed out that the government was evasive about the fate of Prabhakaran's wife Mathivathani.

The Lankan government had announced on May 18 that Prabhakaran was killed in a lonely coastal stretch in Mullaithivu. His body was put on display, placed on a stretcher, the back of the head blown off.

Sunday, June 7, 2009

This summary is not available. Please click here to view the post.

Thursday, June 4, 2009

Sri Lanka team targeted by protests over government's Tamil policies


A demonstration against the Sri Lanka cricket team outside Lord's

Photograph: Philip Brown/Reuters

Not for the first time, Lord's has become the scene of a political protest. Sri Lankan protesters have been picketing the ground, calling for the country's cricket team to return home and for other nations to boycott matches against the side.

About 50 London-based Sri Lankans gathered outside the Wellington Road entrance, armed with placards condemning the Sri Lankan government's "human rights abuses". One read, "Sri Lanka's latest score: 20,000 dead, 300,000 displaced".

Inside the ground the Sri Lanka team were playing South Africa in a warm-up match for the world Twenty20 tournament, which starts on Friday. The tour has already been beset by difficulties, with members of the team withdrawing from a scheduled appearance at the Oxford Union, because of security concerns about a possible backlash against the team in protest against the military campaign by their country's ­government against the Tamil Tigers. The protestors at Lord's were noisy but peaceful, though there was a strong police presence in place. The group was composed mainly, but not wholly, of Tamils.

Thusiyan Naneakumar, a spokesman for the groupprotesters, explained: "The human rights issue is the only issue we are protesting over. The Sri Lankan human rights record is abominable. The government are not letting in any major aid agencies or any major media, there are 300,000 Tamils trapped in camps. How can the team come and play cricket representing a country that does this to its own people?

"Last year England refused to play Zimbabwe because of their human rights record. They refused to play on moral grounds, and we feel it is hypocritical of them to play Sri Lanka, because the human rights situation in Sri Lanka is just as bad, if not worse. That's why we are making this protest, because we don't want them here."

Further demonstrations are likely to take place during the tournament.


Tuesday, June 2, 2009

The idealist I once knew became the Tamils' Pol Pot

This paranoid tyrant has led his people to disaster – but once I believed he could shape a future for them within Sri Lanka

The bloody end came in a sliver of nondescript coastline near the fallen garrison town of Mullaitivu in Sri Lanka's north-east. Velupillai Prabhakaran, the founder and ­supremo of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – one of the world's most feared extremist organisations – had made a last stand that had pointlessness writ all over it. The charismatic 54-year-old perished along with his senior commanders and hundreds of fighters – including his elder son – with hardly anyone able to figure out what the final strategy was. Prabhakaran's war of "national liberation" for a separate, Pol Pot-ist state of Tamil Eelam was over. Belying conventional wisdom, the Sri Lankan state had found a military solution to what used to be regarded as an intractable secessionist and terrorist challenge.

There has been justifiable international concern over the humanitarian crisis that came to the fore during the endgame. The civilian toll has by no means been light, and the challenge of dealing humanely and justly with nearly 300,000 displaced Tamils, including those who supported the LTTE – willingly or under duress – faces Sri Lanka. The task of relief, de-mining, rehabilitation and reconciliation is daunting. The situation cries out for massive external assistance to Sri Lanka – but also for an approach that looks sympathetically ahead instead of obsessively going over what went wrong.

In my opinion, the international – and especially west European – response has got it wrong on two counts. There has been a tendency to mechanically balance responsibility for the crisis, and therefore to equate the desperate, last-ditch actions of an extremist organisation – banned or designated as terrorist by some 30 countries including India – with the responses of a legitimate government. Second, justice has not been done to Mahinda Rajapaksa's government for its astonishing feat of rescuing by military means close to 275,000 civilians who were, in the view of the whole world, confined by the Tigers for use as a human shield.

But as I watched the images of terrified men, women and children fleeing their "protectors" across the lagoon, I reflected on how it might have all been so different.

If only the organisation that started out in the 1970s with some kind of emancipatory political vision, and even idealism, had not turned Pol Pot-ist in its horrific disregard for human life and welfare. If only its leader, a military and organisational genius – whom I interviewed in Chennai in the mid-1980s and met one last time, at his request, in Jaffna in August 1987 – had not turned into a tyrannical practitioner of the end justifying the means.

The circumstances in which I got to know Prabhakaran in the mid-80s seem a world apart from last month's poignant scenes. The July 1983 pogrom against Sri Lankan Tamils generated in India, and especially in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, a tremendous amount of emotional sympathy, practical solidarity – and clouded judgment. Re-reading my interviews I am struck by how clouded the assumptions behind India's post-1983 policy were, and how tragic the effects on the ground.

On the one hand, the basic political objective of India's activist policy was moderate and constructive. It was to help win security, justice and a decent measure of self-administering opportunities for the Tamils living in the north-east, within the framework of Sri Lanka's unity and territorial integrity. On the other hand, the policy worked on the assumption that in order to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government, it was necessary to build up the armed militant groups, and above all the LTTE, in various controlled ways. Among other things, it involved the old-fashioned dilemma of ends versus means.

But it was not just a case of official policy gone wrong. Along with many journalists and intellectuals in south India, I shared these assumptions. We believed that Prabhakaran, despite contra-indications, would work with India to shape a future for his people based on equality, democratic and human rights, and devolution or autonomy along ­federal lines within a united Sri Lanka.

Subsequent events demonstrated that for this man there would be no alternative. As the years went by and several opportunities for a negotiated political solution fell by the wayside, the one thing that remained constant was the LTTE's uncompromising secessionism and militarism. Along with this came a rising graph of terrorist crimes.

Most insurgent leaders, you would think, would have seized the opportunity offered by the ceasefire agreement of February 2002, which was criticised for being overly generous to the LTTE. Tragically, Prabhakaran – seeing it mainly as an opportunity to re-arm his organisation and strengthen its parallel state structure in the territory it controlled – did everything conceivable to make the peace process falter and fail.

"It was worse than a crime, a ­blunder" is a saying of the Napoleonic era, attributed to Talleyrand. If the 1991 assassination of Rajiv Gandhi by an LTTE squad dispatched by ­Prabhakaran made a permanent enemy of India; if his paranoiac suspiciousness and intolerance of dissent triggered a revolt in 2004 by his powerful military ­commander, Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan – aka Colonel Karuna – and fractured the organisation; if all this was the case, then the boycott enforced in LTTE-controlled areas during the 2005 ­presidential election – which facilitated Rajapaksa's victory over the ceasefire architect, Ranil Wickremasinghe – was an akratic act that defied all rational explanation. It proved to be the blunder of a lifetime.

Sunday, May 31, 2009


Online edition of India's National Newspaper
Monday, Jun 01, 2009

Mystery shrouds presence of British woman in Tiger territory
B. Muralidhar Reddy

MANIK FARM COMPLEX (Vavuniya): A British woman citizen, Damilvany Gnanakumar, – known as Vani – being questioned by the Sri Lankan authorities after she fled along with the last batch of civilians from the LTTE’s clutches has raised two vital questions. How did she land in the island nation and how did she stay on in the Tiger-controlled territory for nearly 15 months?

Ms. Vani, presumably in her 20s, was among the last batch of 80,000 civilians to flee from the Tiger territory and is said to have told the Sri Lankan authorities that she was ‘working’ at a make-shift hospital there.

The military and Foreign Office said that investigations were on to find out details of her arrival sometime in February 2008 and who facilitated her travel to the LTTE area. “Unless she had contacts in Wanni, there is no way she could travel into the Tiger-held territory. We are looking into all aspects of the curious case,” a senior official in the government told The Hindu.

The Guardian, which carried a front page report on the presence of Ms. Vani in Sri Lanka, does not throw light on how she ended up in the LTTE territory at a juncture when the military and the Tigers were engaged in a full-fledged war.

The paper said, Ms. Vani, “who was working at a hospital helping victims of Sri Lanka’s civil war has been interned in one of the island’s detention camps, prompting her family to plead for urgent diplomatic help to secure her immediate release.”

Quoting her relatives the paper said that she was detained a fortnight ago as the Army moved in to finish off the remnants of the “Tamil Tiger rebels after a military onslaught that left thousands dead and sent many more fleeing for their lives.”

With a background in biomedical science, Ms. Vani had called the family home in Chingford, Essex, on May 19. On May 18 the military had declared that it had finished off the remaining cadres and leaders of the LTTE holed up in a 500 sq. km. land along the Mullaithivu coast. The following day the military said its troops had recovered the body of LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabakaran near a lagoon.

“I’m in this camp, you have to get me out of here,’ but then the phone went dead,” The Guardian quoted her sister, Subha Mohanathas, 29 as saying on May 29. Her sister has been further quoted as saying that her mother, Lathaa, 45, was desperately worried, but she believed that her sister would pull through.

A senior official in the government asked, “If Ms. Vani is interned in one of the island’s detention centres, how could she establish contact with her family?”

The paper quoted her sister saying, “I just want my sister back with me as soon as possible. My mum is crying and we need her back. We didn’t have anything to do with the war.”

The paper further said that diplomatic efforts to secure her release have so far been unsuccessful and on Saturday night her family appealed to Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa to allow her to return to the UK.

Government officials said the British mission in Colombo had never brought it to the notice of the Foreign Office that one of its citizens has gone missing.

As per the British paper’s report, Gnanakumar’s family arrived in the U.K. as refugees from Jaffna in November 1994.

“She married in 2003, but the relationship was troubled and in February 2008 she returned to Sri Lanka without telling anyone she was leaving.

“The family said that Gnanakumar had been staying in Mullivaykkal — the scene of some of the heaviest fighting — and had called in January to say that she had been caught up in the conflict and was unable to leave. On May 12 they saw her on a Tamil television programme working in a hospital.”

Appeal for help

The paper said that her father, Kandasamy Kumaran, 51, who has written to his MP, Iain Duncan Smith, appealing for help, said she had come into contact with some doctors and had said she was willing to help because of her background in biomedical science. She had also had training and work experience at a British hospital.

Related Stories
  • SLAS officers among displaced
  • Sri Lanka seeks wider support
  • Prabakaran’s parents in government welfare camp
  • U.N. adopts Sri Lanka’s resolution
  • France’s Tamil diaspora in denial over Prabakaran’s death
  • Sri Lanka must be treated as a special case: Karunanidhi
  • N. Ram interview with Velupillai Prabakaran (September 1986)
    Related images
  • Many milestones before the fall - in pics
  • LTTE air attack on Colombo
  • All-out war between Sri Lankan forces and LTTE
  • Family urges Sri Lanka to release Damilvany Gnanakumar, who treated victims of conflict, from detention camp

    Damilvany Gnanakumar
    Damilvany Gnanakumar, who was detained a fortnight ago,
    had been working in temporary hospitals in Sri Lanka's no-fire zone.
    Photograph: Gethin Chamberlain

    A British woman who was working at a hospital helping victims of Sri Lanka's civil war has been interned in one of the island's detention camps, prompting her family to plead for urgent diplomatic help to secure her immediate release.

    Speaking to the Guardian, relatives of Damilvany Gnanakumar – known as Vany – said that she was detained a fortnight ago as the Sri Lankan army moved in to finish off the remnants of the Tamil Tiger rebels after a military onslaught that left thousands dead and sent many more fleeing for their lives.

    The British passport holder, who has a background in biomedical science, called the family home in Chingford, Essex, on 19 May, to beg for help.

    "She said: 'I'm in this camp, you have to get me out of here,' but then the phone went dead," said her sister, Subha Mohanathas, 29, yesterday. She said that her mother, Lathaa, 45, was desperately worried, but she believed that her sister would pull through.

    "Vany is one of the strongest people, she can do whatever she likes because she is not really frightened of anything.

    "I just want my sister back with me as soon as possible. My mum is crying and we need her back. We didn't have anything to do with the war."

    Gnanakumar had spent the last few months working in temporary hospitals in the no-fire zone, where doctors have struggled to save the lives of civilians injured during intense fighting.

    Diplomatic efforts to secure her release have so far been unsuccessful and last night her family appealed to the Sri Lankan president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, to allow her to return to the UK.


    She is being held in the Menik Farm camps outside the town of Vavuniya, a sprawling, sweltering expanse of tents across hundreds of acres of barren scrubland.

    Gnanakumar's family arrived in the UK as refugees from Jaffna, in Sri Lanka, in November 1994. She married in 2003, but the relationship was troubled and in February 2008 she returned to Sri Lanka without telling anyone she was leaving.

    The family said that Gnanakumar had been staying in Mullivaykkal - the scene of some of the heaviest fighting - and had called in January to say that she had been caught up in the conflict and was unable to leave. On 12 May they saw her on a Tamil television programme working in a hospital.

    "We had not heard anything from her until then, we didn't know whether she was still alive, whether something had happened to her," said Mohanthas.

    Her father, Kandasamy Kumaran, 51, who has written to his MP, Iain Duncan Smith, appealing for help, said she had come into contact with some doctors and had said she was willing to help because of her background in biomedical science. She had also had training and work experience at a British hospital, he said.

    "She was recruited by the Mullivaykkal hospital to help and nurse the injured. In fact, I saw her [on television] assisting and looking after the wounded patients," he said.

    Gnanukumar's uncle, Navaratnasamy Naguleswaran, said the family had decided to make a public appeal because they were concerned that attempts to secure her release through the Foreign Office had so far proven unsuccessful.

    He said the family had received a call last Friday from the Foreign Office to say that it was seeking her release, but that information since then had been sparse.

    In an email to the family, the Foreign Office said that staff from the British high commission in Colombo had been in touch with the Sri Lankan ministry of defence, via a military liaison officer, to arrange a phone call between Gnanakumar and her family in the UK and "to expedite her early release".

    The email said that the liaison officer would send instructions to his colleagues in Vavuniya to initiate the screening process of Gnanakumar and that once that was complete, "they will be able to take a decision on her release". A British high commission spokesman said: "We are in discussions with the government of Sri Lanka and are actively seeking her release and return to the UK."

    Mahinda Samarasinghe, the Sri Lankan human rights minister, was unavailable for comment last night.

    But last week, he insisted that the Sri Lankan government was determined to return those held in the camps to their homes at the earliest possible opportunity.

    "These are our people and we are going to ensure that they are resettled," he said.

    But he added that the government needed time to screen those being held in the camps to establish whether or not they were members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). An estimated 270,000 people are being held in camps in the north of Sri Lanka. The government says that it has so far identified more than 9,000 former LTTE members.

    In an exclusive interview with the Guardian from the no-fire zone on 13 May, Gnanakumar described the horrors of the final days of the 26-year war. A shell had exploded at the hospital where she was working, killing 47 people.

    "This is really a disaster. I don't know really how to explain it. At the moment, it is like hell," she said at the time. "For us, shell bombing is just a normal thing now. It is like an everyday routine. We have reached a point where it's like death is not a problem at all."

    The Sri Lankan government maintains that civilian casualties were the result of attacks by the LTTE designed to generate adverse publicity for the military. But the UN has described the civilian toll as "unacceptably high". Estimates for the death toll this year alone range from 8,000 to more than double that number.

    Sunday, May 24, 2009

    Tamil Tigers confirm leader's death



    The government released footage of Prabhakaran's body after speculation he could still be alive [AFP]

    The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have confirmed their leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, has been killed.

    "We announce today, with inexpressible sadness and heavy hearts that our incomparable leader and supreme commander ... attained martyrdom fighting the military oppression," Selvarasa Pathmanathan, the LTTE's head of international relations, said in a statement on Sunday.

    The Tigers said Prabhakaran had been killed on Tuesday during fighting between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan military and declared a week of mourning.

    The military had previously announced Prabhakaran, 54, was shot on Monday while travelling in a small convoy of vehicles in a bid to escape the final battle between the two sides.

    'Final request'

    The LTTE statement read: "For over three decades, our leader was the heart and soul and the symbol of hope, pride and determination for the whole nation of people of Tamil Eelam,"

    Focus: Sri Lanka

    Sri Lanka's uneasy peace
    Profile: Velupillai Prabhakaran
    Q&A: Sri Lanka's civil war
    The history of the Tamil Tigers
    Timeline: Conflict in Sri Lanka
    Tamil diaspora sceptical over 'win'

    "Since the failure of the peace process and the escalation of the war forced upon the Tamil people, the LTTE was faced [sic] to confront the Sri Lankan military that was supported by the world powers.

    "This deliberate bias and position taken by the international community severely weakened the military position of the LTTE.

    "Our leader confronted this threat without any hesitation. He would not waver in his desire to be with his people and fight for his people till the end.

    "His final request was for the struggle to continue until we achieved the freedom for his people.

    "His legend and the historical status as the Greatest Tamil Leader ever are indestructible," Pathmanathan said in the statement.

    Body 'cremated'

    The Sri Lankan authorities have not published a post mortem examination report or officially confirmed how or when he died.

    A government spokesman said on Tuesday that the body would be given to an undertaker, but General Sarath Fonseka, Sri Lanka's army chief, told the privately-run Sunday Rivira that the body had been cremated and his ashes thrown in the sea.

    Fonseka said Pottu Amman, the LTTE intelligence chief, and Prabhakaran's wife, Mathiwadini, were among the dead, but have yet to be officially identified.

    The government released footage of Prabhakaran's body for the first time on Tuesday after a pro-LTTE website, Tamilnet, denied the government's announcement that he had been killed.

    Sri Lanka said Sunday it would not allow aid workers complete access to civilians who remain held in camps after the conflict, saying LTTE remnants still remained among the refugees.